Food Justice | Civil Eats https://civileats.com/category/food-and-policy/food-justice/ Daily News and Commentary About the American Food System Mon, 16 Sep 2024 15:21:10 +0000 en-US hourly 1 Labor Protections for Immigrant Food Workers Are at Stake in the 2024 Election https://civileats.com/2024/09/16/labor-protections-for-immigrant-food-workers-are-at-stake-in-the-2024-election/ https://civileats.com/2024/09/16/labor-protections-for-immigrant-food-workers-are-at-stake-in-the-2024-election/#respond Mon, 16 Sep 2024 09:00:00 +0000 https://civileats.com/?p=57650 A version of this article originally appeared in The Deep Dish, our members-only newsletter. Become a member today and get the next issue directly in your inbox. “We knew OSHA was going to show up; we knew a lot of different law enforcement agencies were going to show up; and we knew that the workers were […]

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A version of this article originally appeared in The Deep Dish, our members-only newsletter. Become a member today and get the next issue directly in your inbox.

In her five years as an attorney for the U.S. Department of Labor, Shelly Anand litigated cases against companies violating workplace safety protections, including in the food industry. Then, at the end of 2020, Anand helped launch Sur Legal, a worker-rights nonprofit focused on the Deep South—so she was well-positioned to help when a liquid nitrogen leak in January 2021 killed six workers at Foundation Food Group in Gainesville, Georgia.

“We knew OSHA was going to show up; we knew a lot of different law enforcement agencies were going to show up; and we knew that the workers were going to be undocumented, intimidated, and terrified,” she said.

Sur Legal hosted a Facebook Live gathering to educate workers on their rights and began talking directly to individuals who worked at the plant, many of whom had witnessed the incident and were now traumatized. Ultimately, Anand and her colleagues were able to help about two dozen workers from the plant access what she calls a “life-changing” pathway: they were temporarily granted protected status so that they could help federal investigators identify conditions that might have contributed to the incident—which ultimately represented violations of the law.

In the past, federal agencies have occasionally granted what they call “deferred action for labor disputes” at their own discretion. However, in January 2023, the U.S. Department of Homeland Security (DHS) formalized the process for the first time to encourage undocumented workers, who might otherwise stay silent due to fear of deportation, to report violations of labor laws on the job.

“We knew a lot of different law enforcement agencies were going to show up, and we knew that the workers were going to be undocumented, intimidated, and terrified.”

“It came out of DHS, but we look at it as a labor and a worker-rights policy,” said Jessie Hahn, a senior labor and employment policy attorney at the National Immigration Law Center (NILC). “It’s very much based on the perspective that the Biden administration has, about how best to enforce labor and employment laws and what is going to facilitate that.”

Between January 2023 and August 2024, according to DHS, more than 6,000 workers—many working in the food system—have been granted this temporary protection, which can last up to four years. They include the Georgia poultry workers, guest workers picking strawberries in Florida fields, and tortilla factory workers in Chicago, among others.

However, as the presidential election approaches, it’s one of several immigration policies that are at risk—and that would reshape the legal landscape for food and farm workers.

Both Vice President Kamala Harris and former President Donald Trump have used strong rhetoric about stemming the influx of new immigrants at the U.S.–Mexico border. But how they might treat the immigrant workforce that powers America’s fruit and vegetable harvests, meatpacking and food processing plants, and restaurant kitchens—a large percentage of which is undocumented—is more complicated.

Harris is currently serving in what some experts say has been the most hardline Democratic administration on border policy in modern history, especially since President Joe Biden’s June executive order limiting asylum claims. As vice president, she was specifically tasked with addressing the root causes of migration in origin countries.

During her years as a district attorney and then as the attorney general of California, her record was nuanced. She was tough on immigrants when they committed crimes, but expressed support for those who did not. Throughout, she has specifically defended the labor rights of immigrant workers, including introducing pro-farmworker legislation, and has been endorsed by multiple labor groups.

The Trump administration—and the 2024 Trump campaign—have taken a harder line on immigration and immigrants living in the U.S. In 2017, Trump implemented a “zero tolerance” border policy for families at the border and ended the deferred action policy, which previously gave the children of immigrants, called “Dreamers,” a path to citizenship. (Harris, a senator at the time, supported the Dreamers.) In addition, the second bullet point in the 2024 Republican Party Platform is to “carry out the largest deportation operation in American history,” with a goal of expelling millions of immigrants. During the recent debate, Trump repeatedly demonized immigrants using sweeping generalizations filled with misinformation about crime. ( Research shows immigrants do not commit crimes at higher rates than U.S.-born Americans.) “We have to get ’em out,” he said. “We have to get ’em out fast.”

People close to the issue told Civil Eats that, given the unspoken reality of how deeply farms and food businesses rely on undocumented workers, they’re more worried about worker abuse increasing under Trump’s leadership than about mass deportations.

“I think they want people to be scared,” Antonio De Loera-Brust, communications director for the United Farm Workers (UFW), said of the deportation threats. “They’re going to push [undocumented workers] more into the shadows, where they’re more vulnerable and exploitable.”

Empowering Immigrants to Report Labor Abuses

On the same day that she announced her candidacy for president, Harris received an enthusiastic endorsement from UFW. UFW President Teresa Romero called Biden “the greatest friend the United Farm Workers has had in the Oval Office” and said she expected Harris “to continue the transformative work of the Biden-Harris administration.”

Deferred action is one piece of that work UFW has embraced; its organizers have been assisting farmworkers with applications, while the UFW Foundation has been working with the state of California to inform farmworkers about the option. To date, De Loera-Brust said UFW has helped more than 100 fieldworkers apply.

Farmworkers pick corn in the heat.

Farmworkers pick corn in the heat. (Photo credit: Hill Street Studios / Getty Images)

To be eligible, workers must get a letter called a “statement of interest” from a labor or employment agency. For example, if fieldworkers have reported safety violations to Cal/OSHA, California’s worker safety and health agency, Cal/OSHA must then send a letter to DHS indicating interest in launching an investigation before DHS will grant deferred action status. Groups like UFW often help facilitate that process.

Once they are granted the status, workers may be asked to provide information on labor violations they’ve experienced or witnessed. In Gainesville, for example, the nitrogen leak resulted in two federal investigations into what caused the incident and its fatalities.

“Several of these workers came forward to the Department of Justice, which has never been an immigrant-friendly agency, so that was 10 times scarier for them,” Anand said. “But they want to do everything they can to hold folks accountable for those deaths.”

As a result, OSHA investigators concluded Foundation Food Group and three affiliated companies “failed to implement any of the safety procedures necessary to prevent the nitrogen leak, or to equip workers responding to it with the knowledge and equipment that could have saved their lives.” The agency cited the companies for nearly $1 million in fines and a total of 59 violations. Foundation Food Group was acquired by another chicken processor, Gold Creek Foods, in September 2021.

“Several of these workers came forward to the Department of Justice, which has never been an immigrant-friendly agency . . . but they want to do everything they can to hold folks accountable for those deaths.”

In a later, more detailed report produced by the U.S. Chemical Safety and Hazard Investigation Board that workers also helped with, investigators again found the deaths had been “completely preventable.”

While it was too late to save the workers who died, one of the affiliated companies that leased the faulty equipment said it developed new safety protocols as a result of the report, and the investigators recommended OSHA issue a new national standard to address the hazards of liquid nitrogen, with specific emphasis on poultry processing and food manufacturing.

It’s an example of how the deferred action policy’s impact extends far beyond the individuals who receive the status, Hahn said. “We are trying to address the chilling effect that occurs in a workplace when people are too afraid to speak up about labor violations,” she said. “When those workers feel protected because they’ve received deferred action, then everyone in the workplace benefits.” In other words, supporters believe the policy makes workplaces safer for all Americans, immigrant or otherwise.

Participants at a clinic Sur Legal co-hosted with the Georgia Asylum and Immigration Network (GAIN) and Centro de los Derechos del Migrante (CDM). (Photo courtesy of Sur Legal)

Participants at a clinic Sur Legal co-hosted with the Georgia Asylum and Immigration Network (GAIN) and Centro de los Derechos del Migrante (CDM). (Photo courtesy of Sur Legal)

At Centro de Los Derechos del Migrante (CDM), which has headquarters in both Maryland and Mexico, staff members have been documenting the abuse of migrants who come to the U.S. through guestworker programs to work in agriculture and food processing for nearly two decades. Lucy Thames, CDM’s outreach project manager, said the deferred action process has also benefited those workers over the past year.

One challenge for workers in the H-2A program, which is for farms, and the H-2B program, which is for food processing, is that their legal status in the country is tied to their employer, making it difficult for them to report or escape abusive situations. But when guestworkers are granted deferred action, Thames explained, they are able to seek employment with any U.S. employer. “They’re able to leave a situation in which their rights aren’t being respected and identify an employer who might be a better fit for them,”she said.

That’s significant because in recent years, as farms have struggled to find enough workers to plant carrots and harvest tomatoes, the H2-A program especially has ballooned in size. CDM has been particularly focused on helping shape a recent Biden administration rule to expand protections for workers in that program.

Thames said the new rule contains many provisions CDM has advocated for, including allowing protection from being fired without cause, banning retaliation against workers who engage in union organizing, establishing transportation safety requirements, and ensuring support and advocacy organizations are able to visit workers in employer-provided housing.

The Post-Election View

Advocates expect Harris to support the H-2A rule changes, since they came out of the Biden administration. As a senator, she also introduced a bill that would have extended minimum wage and overtime protections to farmworkers.

On the other side, while Trump has not mentioned this H-2A rule since it was proposed, Republican lawmakers have been pushing back on many of its provisions. At the end of August, a federal judge sided with 17 Republican-led states in a lawsuit brought against the Department of Labor, blocking the Biden administration from implementing the provisions.

And at the end of Trump’s presidency, his administration published a different H-2A rule, which drew strong opposition from farm labor groups because it weakened worker protections. At the time, his Department of Labor said the rule would “streamline and simplify the H-2A application process, strengthen protections for U.S. and foreign workers, and ease unnecessary burdens on employers.”

The political ping-pong over the H-2A rules shows how, since immigration is so politicized, even small changes to labor policies that primarily impact immigrant workers are often the result of years of back-and-forth that span multiple presidential administrations.

“A lot of the developments that we’re seeing are many, many years in the making,” Thames said. “I think that’s often what we’ve seen in the farmworker movement.It’s decades of work done by advocates and workers themselves.”

Throughout that time, regardless of who’s in charge in D.C., U.S. food production has depended on immigrant workers. Multiple farmers who spoke to Civil Eats laughed at the idea of finding enough U.S. citizens to harvest kale and squash.

One organic vegetable farmer said she pays nearly $17 an hour to her H-2A workers but has still never had a domestic worker apply. (The law requires farmers to post the jobs for U.S. workers before bringing in guestworkers.) Originally, she relied on mostly undocumented workers living in the U.S., but recently has had to bring in more temporary guestworkers on H-2A visas. She’s hoping for a more long-term solution that recognizes the contributions of the immigrants who have powered her farm—some for more than a decade—and that would allow them to live and work without fear.

But with election rhetoric focused on border security and the recent failure of even the most middle-of-the-road legislation, unions and immigrant rights groups are zeroing in on the things that make a difference day-to-day.

Deferred action is “a Band-Aid on a big problem,” said Sur Legal’s Anand, since it doesn’t do anything to resolve longstanding questions around whether the country’s millions of immigrant food workers should be granted long-term legal status. But it has had a real impact on the Gainesville workers’ lives. “Some of these workers have left the poultry industry and found better paying, safer jobs, and they feel really empowered,” Anand said. “Now, they’re speaking up.”

“We don’t know what’s going to happen with this program,” she added, “but by and large, most of our folks that we’ve worked with are like, ‘If it gives me a few years of peace, of being able to be safe and to live my life without fear, I’ll do it.’”

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]]> https://civileats.com/2024/09/16/labor-protections-for-immigrant-food-workers-are-at-stake-in-the-2024-election/feed/ 0 On Cape Cod, the Wampanoag Assert Their Legal Right to Harvest the Waters https://civileats.com/2024/08/21/on-cape-cod-the-wampanoag-assert-their-legal-right-to-harvest-the-waters/ https://civileats.com/2024/08/21/on-cape-cod-the-wampanoag-assert-their-legal-right-to-harvest-the-waters/#comments Wed, 21 Aug 2024 09:00:55 +0000 https://civileats.com/?p=57323 This is the first of a two-part series. “She knows me and doesn’t like me,” Pocknett said, casting a half-hearted wave in her direction. Pocknett, a member of the Wampanoag tribe, is a regular here on Mashpee’s  Little River, a stretch of Cape Cod ringed by multi-story homes, each with its own private dock. He […]

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This is the first of a two-part series.

On a recent spring afternoon, CheeNulKa Pocknett’s truck rattled slowly across Monomoscoy Island, the engine roar swallowing the caw of seabirds. It caught the attention of a gray-haired woman working in her garden who popped up from behind a wall of red and yellow tulips, a scowl shading her face.

“She knows me and doesn’t like me,” Pocknett said, casting a half-hearted wave in her direction. Pocknett, a member of the Wampanoag tribe, is a regular here on Mashpee’s  Little River, a stretch of Cape Cod ringed by multi-story homes, each with its own private dock. He knows all the good fishing spots—or at least, what were once good fishing spots—along the murky perimeter.

Pocknett steered down a gravel driveway and parked between two wind-worn wooden houses, unfurling his 6’7” frame from the driver’s side, boots first. He hefted a 50-pound rake and stack of plastic baskets from the bed of his truck and tramped toward the river, ignoring the “private property” warnings staked around the backyard. Like his ancestors for 12,000 years, he had come to this river in search of a hard-shelled clam known as a quahog, and no amount of anti-trespassing signs could keep him away.

“They’re preventing us from practicing our culture, our right of ways, our livelihood.”

Pocknett sloshed through the shallows, waders dredging up brown clouds of mud. “This is nothing like ‘black mayonnaise,’” he said, referring to other areas where once-sandy bottoms are now thick sludge. “Here it’s actually not so bad.”

Low-lying Mashpee is carved from water: from mosquito-bogged marshes, pine-shrouded ponds, and rivers that wind in brackish ropes past condos and golf courses. Since the 1970s, much of the town’s waterfront has been privatized and developed by nonmembers of the Wampanoag tribe.

The manicured and serene landscape above the waterline belies tremendous damage below, where shellfish and finfish have thinned—and in some cases disappeared—due to nitrogen pollution emitted from multi-million–dollar developments and their septic tanks. Stripped of land and resources, a dwindling group of Mashpee’s Wampanoag is committed now more than ever to asserting their rights to hunting and fishing.

The Monomoscoy Island beach on Mashpee’s Little River, where CheeNulKa Pocknett frequently digs for wild quahogs (pictured right), with a private dock that extends into the water. (Photo credit: Emma Glassman-Hughes)

The Monomoscoy Island beach on Mashpee’s Little River, where CheeNulKa Pocknett frequently digs for wild quahogs (pictured right), with a private dock that extends into the water. (Photo credit: Emma Glassman-Hughes)

These “Aboriginal rights,” as they’re legally known, are reflected in treaties between the U.S. and sovereign Indigenous nations, and grant unlimited harvests, even from private property. But not everyone on Cape Cod respects these rights, sometimes resulting in screaming matches and 911 calls. Wampanoag fishers, like Pocknett, are forced to shrug it off. Their work, they say, is to both triage a dying ecosystem and continue an essential expression of their heritage, sovereignty, and lifeways.

Under the April gloom, Pocknett waded deeper into the river, the current pulling at his knees. With a grunt, he plunged his rake into the water and dug in.

People of the First Light

For thousands of years, the Wampanoag—the “People of the First Light”—have harvested fish for food, trade, art, and fertilizer. A shellfish farmer as well as a fisherman, 39-year-old Pocknett can trace his lineage on these Atlantic shores well into the past, before poquauhock, in Algonquin, became “quahog,” before his ancestor, Massasoit, would be known as the first “Indian” to meet the pilgrims, and long before federal recognition (won by the Wampanoag in 2007) held any meaning for the Indigenous nations of this continent. For most of that time, the Wampanoag stewarded a thriving waterway.

When he isn’t raking for wild quahog, Pocknett manages the tribe’s shellfish farm, using modern aquaculture practices that are a footnote in the Wampanoags’ millennia-old relationship to the waterways of the Cape. Generations before Pocknett’s great uncle founded the First Light Shellfish Farm on Popponesset Bay, in the 1970s, Pocknett says it’s likely the tribe cultivated bivalve species and maintained the shallows with ancient clam gardening techniques, constructing “reefs” out of rocks in the sandy bottoms of the bays and rivers. The abundant eelgrass that once grew in those same waters fostered eels, scallops, and fish species like striped bass, all important elements of the Wampanoag diet, culture, and worldview.

CheeNulKa Pocknett reached down to grab the handle of a 50-pound bull rake used to dig quahogs on the Monomoscoy Island beach along Mashpee’s Little River. (Photo credit: Emma Glassman-Hughes)

The natural abundance of the bay, however, has been severely diminished by development and nitrogen pollution. Today, Pocknett and his cousins receive funding from U.S. Fish and Wildlife to raise the tribe’s quahogs and oysters in that pocket of the Popponesset, a small body cradled on the Cape’s southwestern arm. Instead of clam reefs, the farmers use oyster cages and clunky steel rakes to manage their crop.

This helps the local ecosystem somewhat, as shellfish remove nitrogen from the water by absorbing small amounts into their shells. But the eelgrass is already gone from this bay, as are most of its wild fish. And First Light is not nearly big enough to replace what’s been lost, Cape-wide.

Off the farm, other bays and rivers that sustained past generations with abundant wild shellfish have been radically transformed, too. Areas that were once quahog hotbeds are now so mucky from nitrogen-fed algae that they’re inhospitable to growth. Aboriginal rights allow Wampanoags to cross public and private land to fish, but they don’t guarantee that there will be any fish in the water once they arrive.

Those sites that remain viable have limited fishing access. Many have been blocked by private developers, fences, or overgrown brush. But there are psychological deterrences, as well. The prospect of aggravated non-Indigenous neighbors is enough to keep some Wampanoags out of the water.

One of Pocknett’s cousins, Aaron Hendricks, worries that for Wampanoag youth, the once-proud practice of fishing is now entangled with shame. He recently recalled a day from his childhood when he was about four. His Aunt June took him fishing in Simons Narrows, down a dirt path that had previously “always been a way to the water.” A strange woman burst out of the property, “cussing, yelling, screaming that you can’t park here.”

Now 42, Hendricks has his own children to teach—except instead of taking the well-worn paths “my people showed me as a puppy,” he said, they sneak through “a briar patch and a thousand mosquitoes and poison ivy” to avoid confrontation. “Half the kids don’t even want to go because they hear the stories,” he said. “I don’t want to show them that. It scars them, type shit.”

Pocknett’s fishing trips can also devolve into ugly confrontations, pitting his tribe’s ancient claims to fishing grounds against the rights of property owners in newer developments. Pocknett often live-streams these encounters on Facebook, as he did four years ago, when a homeowner reported him and his brother for trespassing on a Monomoscoy Island driveway.

In that encounter, Pocknett accused the Mashpee police and natural resources officers of impeding his rights. In the footage, Pocknett’s voice throbs with rage: “We fish every day, they don’t care. They tell us that we’re nothing but a bunch of dumb Indians.” When asked about the incident, he was only slightly more measured. “They’re preventing us from practicing our culture, our right of ways, our livelihood,” he said.

Photo credit: Emma Glassman-Hughes

The beach at Punkhorn Point on Popponesset Bay, where the First Light aquaculturists load their boats. (Photo credit: Emma Glassman-Hughes)

Such confrontations are likely to continue. As of April, the tribe has 321 total acres of reservation land, designated by the Supreme Court when it ended a protracted legal battle that began in 2015. All but one of those acres, however, are landlocked. To fish as they’ve always fished, Wampanoags have no choice but to assert their Aboriginal rights on private property. So, Pocknett walks through yards.

Legal Precedent

Not everyone in Mashpee respects the rights of the Wampanoag. Non-Indigenous officials have historically misunderstood these rights—or ignored them. In recent years, for example, the local Shellfish Commission began discussing tribal fishing rights in its monthly meetings at the Mashpee Town Hall. Minutes from a January 2019 meeting note: “Can anyone pass through private property based on the colonial ordinance? It is still unknown.”

A few months later, minutes show that the commission discussed a statement issued by Wampanoag police claiming the tribe “has the right to access water to fish through any property.” The Commission’s response was firm: “The town manager has notified both the police and the tribal council that this is not where the town of Mashpee stands,” those minutes say. “No-one [sic] can access the water through private property.”

“Putting up a bunch of fences and denying somebody access to a parcel of land or water that they have a property interest in” goes against fundamental rules of law.

Legal experts on Indigenous affairs disagree. A landmark 1999 appeal in the Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court favored the Mashpee tribe’s extensive Aboriginal rights and forever clarified the state’s stance, according to a New England–based lawyer who is working with the tribe on current litigation and asked not to be named to avoid appearing biased.

The 1999 case, Commonwealth v. Maxim, determined that Aboriginal rights supersede a town’s shellfish bylaws, which set rigid standards and limits for non-Indigenous hunting and fishing. The decision relied primarily on protections outlined in the Treaty of Falmouth, signed in 1749.

Other cases, including the 1974 “Boldt Decision” in Washington State, have firmly set legal precedent for sovereign fishing rights. In Massachusetts, in 1982, the state House of Representatives adopted a resolution recognizing “the ancient and aboriginal claim of Indians” to “hunt and fish the wildlife of this land for the sustenance of their families.”

Matthew Fletcher, director of Michigan State University’s Indigenous Law and Policy Center and member of the Grand Traverse Band of Ottawa and Chippewa Indians, spent seven weeks as a visiting professor of Federal Indian Law at Harvard Law School this spring and sits as a judge on the Mashpee tribe’s appellate court. In an interview, he said anyone who claims Wampanoag fishing rights are unclear is willfully overlooking decades of precedent. Aboriginal fishing rights are property rights and should be understood as such, he said.

“Putting up a bunch of fences and denying somebody access to a parcel of land or water that they have a property interest in” goes against fundamental rules of law, Fletcher said. The property interest of the Wampanoags in this case is their Aboriginal fishing right, which extends to those lands and waters.

“Under every rule of law, going back to England before there was the United States, people have a right to access, within reasonable limits, other people’s property in order to get to their property,” Fletcher said. “You learn that in the first year of law school. And Indian people are denied that basic right every single day.”

The denial of rights in Mashpee can be subtle, as with “No Trespassing” signs, or overt, as when local homeowners involve police. Attitudes vary, but the town is marred with distrust.

On a summer day at Mashpee Neck Marina, I took a walk down a residential street crowded with large homes, each with a neatly trimmed yard and picture windows looking out on the Santuit River, where a fleet of chrome yachts and speedboats winked under the midday sun. At one home, I met a seasonal resident named Kathy, who declined to give her last name, but said she tries to keep Wampanoag fishers from crossing her yard. She and her husband had stapled “No Trespassing” signs to the pitch pines that gird a narrow path from the front of the house to the river in the back.

“They’re tribal people, and they carry buckets down there and take oysters in bulk,” Kathy said, standing in her doorway, a small dog drooped over her feet. “They think they own the land. They think it’s theirs.”

Nearby, in another doorway, an older man said the Wampanoag have “always been respectful” of him and his property. His wife, who joined him at the door, was less amiable. “We won’t say anything about the Wampanoags in any newspaper,” she said angrily, motioning for her husband to come inside. “We don’t want any trouble,” she said, then slammed the door.

The Meaning of Sustenance

In late September, a row of sullen three-story homes stood guard over the Mashpee River, flat as a sheet of glass. Down a gravel path, the beach at Punkhorn Point bid its quiet farewell to summer, the sand populated now by a large blue crab, belly-up in surrender, and a silent procession of fiddler crabs creeping through tufts of beachgrass.

Nearby, Pocknett measured out bolts of hazard-orange mesh, a cigarette affixed to his bottom lip. He pulled a few bull rakes from his truck and dragged them to a small motorboat in a clatter of steel, tossing them in the boat along with plastic baskets, a coil of rope, and enough cigarette packs for each of his three cousins, who had also come to work.

In 2022, the tribe was awarded an aquaculture grant of $1.1 million through the Economic Development Administration, part of the American Rescue Plan’s Indigenous Communities program. The cousins were preparing for the arrival of Pocknett’s uncle, Buddy, who was driving in with a truckload of baby quahogs. They would plant the clams out near a sandbar in Popponesset Bay, knowing that each mollusk would clear out some nitrogen, if only a little, as it grew.

Two million baby quahogs sat in sacks in the back of Vernon “Buddy” Pocknett’s truck, ready to be seeded into the Popponesset Bay off Punkhorn Point. (Photo credit: Emma Glassman-Hughes)

When Buddy arrived, the men transferred a dozen sacks containing 2 million baby quahogs into the boat, and cast off for where the murky water ran clear.

Here, Pocknett dropped anchor. The men disembarked, water up to their knees. A couple of them set the mesh in a giant rectangle in the bed of the bay, then sprinkled the tiny shellfish over the water like seeds. As his cousins scattered the new crop, Pocknett attached a rake to his waist with a rusty chain and shuffled to the side a few feet to dig for larger clams. The rake’s cage allowed small clams to slip through the bars, giving the next generation a chance to grow.

In legal terms, the Mashpee tribe’s traditional hunting and fishing rights are protected acts of “sustenance.” The state understands that to mean pure calories. But Fletcher, of Michigan, argues the Indigenous interpretation honors full livelihood. “It is deeply cynical and cramped for non-Indians to say sustenance is merely calories,” he said.

To Pocknett, true sustenance means much more. Out on the sandbar, he leaned back 45 degrees, driving his rake into the mud with coordinated thrusts of hips and arms. Sustenance means to “provide life,” he said. “Not just food.”

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]]> https://civileats.com/2024/08/21/on-cape-cod-the-wampanoag-assert-their-legal-right-to-harvest-the-waters/feed/ 9 How a Community Gardener Grew Food for Her Family, Quit Her Job at McDonald’s, and Started a Farm https://civileats.com/2024/08/20/how-a-community-gardener-grew-food-for-her-family-quit-her-job-at-mcdonalds-and-started-a-farm/ https://civileats.com/2024/08/20/how-a-community-gardener-grew-food-for-her-family-quit-her-job-at-mcdonalds-and-started-a-farm/#respond Tue, 20 Aug 2024 09:00:21 +0000 https://civileats.com/?p=57290 Hernández Reyes grew up subsistence farming with her parents in Oaxaca, and the garden spoke to her. She called a number posted nearby and reached Adam Kohl, the executive director of Outgrowing Hunger, an organization that rents unused land at accessible costs to help immigrants and refugees grow their own food. Hernández Reyes was able […]

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When Maximina Hernández Reyes emigrated from Oaxaca, Mexico, to Oregon in 2001, she was still learning English, had no idea where the food pantries were, and knew very few people. She struggled to find a support system in Gresham, the suburb of Portland where she settled, until 2012, when she happened upon a community garden in the city’s Vance Park.

Hernández Reyes grew up subsistence farming with her parents in Oaxaca, and the garden spoke to her. She called a number posted nearby and reached Adam Kohl, the executive director of Outgrowing Hunger, an organization that rents unused land at accessible costs to help immigrants and refugees grow their own food. Hernández Reyes was able to secure a small plot in the community garden and started growing food for her family. This was just the beginning.

Over the next decade, gardening evolved from a hobby to a passion for Hernández Reyes, but it wasn’t how she earned her income. While she worked her way up at McDonald’s, eventually becoming a manager, she gardened on the side as a way to provide her family and neighbors with fresh produce. Eventually, she became a community leader through her work in the garden; her original plot is now an educational site where she teaches gardening to other Latinas.

Maximina Hernández Reyes grows many types of produce found in her home state of Oaxaca, Mexico, including tomatillos and herbs like epazote.

Maximina Hernández Reyes grows a range of produce, including many types of vegetables and herbs found in her home state of Oaxaca, Mexico. (Photo credit: Elizabeth Doerr)

Two years ago, Hernández Reyes had the opportunity to scale up her own growing operation and turn it into a source of income. She is now in her second season of managing a one-acre farm that Outgrowing Hunger leases in the nearby town of Boring, Oregon. While she named the operation MR. Farms after her initials, she has leaned into people misreading it as “Mister.” The business has been so successful that she was able to quit her job at McDonald’s last year and has transitioned from feeding her family to feeding—and mentoring—her whole community.

Hernández Reyes attributes her success at this food sovereignty endeavor to the support of a network called Rockwood Food Systems Collaborative (RFSC), part of a larger organization called Rockwood Community Development Corporation, which focuses on underserved areas of East Portland and Gresham. RFSC is comprised of nearly 30 organizations, including social services, food justice initiatives, and health and educational institutions.

Traditionally, food security organizations receive food from anywhere they can get it, and because donations are rarely from local growers, the system often results in processed foods and a reliance on the precarious global food system. The collaborative model, rather than providing one-way charity, is focused on mutualism and community care. Partnerships with local growers create a market that supports farmer entrepreneurship; community members receive fresh produce; and the system is more resilient to global food shortages.

“When people see these vegetables in the farmers’ market, they get really excited. They say, ‘I haven’t seen these in many years!’ or ‘I’ve been looking for these.’”

At Rockwood, when someone shows a knack for farming, especially when it benefits their community, someone from the collaborative connects them with various member organizations that can help them access resources and connections to build a successful farm business. When Hernández Reyes got involved, Outgrowing Hunger provided her with land and put her in touch with the Oregon Food Bank, which buys her vegetables for their pantries, and Rockwood People’s Market, a BIPOC-led farmers market in Gresham, where she sells produce every Sunday. She and other growers are also able to sell produce to local community members, who pay with tokens provided by food systems partners, the local low-cost health clinic Wallace Medical Concern, and the youth services organization Play Grow Learn.

The Rockwood Food Systems Collaborative is one of hundreds of similar networks across the U.S. that are serving as a model for a more resilient food and health system. Others include Hawai’i Food Hub Hui, Cooperative Food Empowerment Directive, and the Mississippi Farm to School Network. Leveraging social capital between and among institutions, these networks, along with community members themselves, create an alternative local food system. This can be particularly powerful for immigrants and U.S. noncitizens, who are twice as likely to be among the 44 million people in the U.S. facing food insecurity.

Civil Eats recently spoke to Hernández Reyes about her journey toward this collaborative model, the organizations that supported her new business, and how growing food offers freedom to immigrant families.

What do you miss most about your home in Oaxaca?

What I miss are the simple things like traditions, family, and my culture. That was before. But now we’ve built the same community here and brought our traditions here. My vegetables are part of those traditions.

At first, they only grew a little bit because I only had one plant from the seeds I brought with me. But we saved the seeds and acclimatized them and now we have more of our traditional vegetables to share with my community: tomatillos and Roma tomatoes (but not like the ones you get from the grocery store; they’re better), green beans from my state, types of Mexican corn, and pipicha, pápalo, and epazote [herbs used in traditional dishes in central and southern Mexico]. When people see these vegetables in the farmers’ market, they get really excited. They say, “I haven’t seen these in many years!” or “I’ve been looking for these.”

What is your role in the Rockwood Food Systems Collaborative and how have these connections helped you?

I was volunteering during the pandemic with Outgrowing Hunger to distribute food boxes to families. Through that, I met people from Rockwood CDC, Play Grow Learn, Metropolitan Family Service, and a lot of other organizations. Then I got involved with Guerreras Latinas [an empowerment program for Spanish-speaking Latinas] where I taught gardening through a program called Sembradoras, which was supported by funding from the Oregon Food Bank.

The connections benefit my business. When the organizations have grant money, they can purchase some vegetables from me—that way, they help me, and then I help the community. There’s this cycle. I want to keep my vegetables in the community; I don’t want to send my vegetables to the huge stores.

How did you get your business off the ground?

I started my business when I saw that my community needed the kinds of vegetables that I grow. And I was thinking, how could I sell my vegetables? I talked to Lynn [Ketch, executive director] from Rockwood CDC, and she asked why didn’t I make it a business. And I said, ‘Yes! Why not?!’ I was a gardener before, but I wanted to get to the next level of farming. I’m motivated to work hard because I want to serve my community; I want to grow more food.

“When the organizations have grant money, they can purchase some vegetables from me—that way, they help me, and then I help the community. There’s this cycle.”

At first, we didn’t have enough money to pay the rent on the land at Outgrowing Hunger. So, Adam gave me some options where I could pay after three to four months of selling vegetables. He always had somebody to help when we needed it and connected me with other organizations.

Another support was the Oregon Food Bank. Because it was my first year of farming, they gave me support by buying my products to give out in the food pantry. They pay you upfront, so with that money, I started to buy the irrigation and everything. Another organization, the Metropolitan Family Service, bought a small amount of vegetables, which helped, too.

Does growing food and the connections to the Food Collaborative offer freedom to the immigrant families in your community?

Yes, it helps a lot. Here at Outgrowing Hunger, the price for rent is not that high. And Outgrowing Hunger helps us apply for grants. There isn’t a lot of space for people to grow their own food at home, so the land for gardening helps so much. But, we need to educate people about how and where to grow fresh vegetables.

The collaborative has helped bring more information to people. For the people who can’t grow their food, the organizations buy the food, and community members receive tokens for free and can get fresh food from the farmers’ market. There are a lot of benefits—people’s hearts are better, they’re healthier, and they have less stress. There’s a lot of freedom in that.

How has working in this kind of collaborative model been different from what you experienced when you first arrived in the U.S.?

There’s a big difference. At some food pantries, they asked for your address, social security information, and documentation. Immigrants were scared to go there, because they would have to share all their information. It was also hard to find out where those pantries were. Now the food pantries don’t ask for that. But also, because of this group of organizations, there’s a lot more information about where people can get more food.

I experienced challenges before I found the collaborative. Organizations didn’t have enough Spanish speakers, and there wasn’t a lot of information available. It was hard to make connections. I also didn’t know my neighbors very well. But now, with this group of organizations, it has changed. They all have Spanish speakers, and there is a lot more information about resources available.

MR. Farms in Boring, Oregon, with Mt. Hood in the background.

MR. Farms in Boring, Oregon, with Mt. Hood in the background. (Photo credit: Elizabeth Doerr)

What kinds of community members have you met through your work with farming and the food systems collaborative?

I’ve met a lot of people since I’ve started volunteering here, and I made all these connections around my neighborhood. I talk to people and tell them what I’m doing and how I grow vegetables, and I bring them in that way. I’m building community through food. With Outgrowing Hunger, when I got started, we had two Latinos, and now we have 30 Latinos. I talk to them: “You can apply for this; you can get this resource.” I have WhatsApp, and when I learn of opportunities, I share.

One of those families was telling me they didn’t have enough money to buy food. This one woman said she tried to go to the food pantry, but they asked for all these documents. I told her, “I have some vegetables in my garden,” and she was so happy. I asked her why she didn’t have any money, and she said her husband was sick and it was just [her] working, and their rent was so high, and they have three small children. I connected her to Outgrowing Hunger, and she applied for that space in the garden, and she started growing her own vegetables.

What are your hopes for the future?

Oh, my goodness. So much. My dream is to grow my farm, to implement jobs for immigrants or anyone who wants to work. To produce more. Right now, it’s a family farm: my husband, my kids, my brothers, people in the community. I really want to build a program to give jobs to moms in the summertime. They can bring their kids and come to work. I keep thinking and thinking—and I want to do everything!

This interview was conducted in English and Spanish and has been translated and edited for length and clarity.

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]]> https://civileats.com/2024/08/20/how-a-community-gardener-grew-food-for-her-family-quit-her-job-at-mcdonalds-and-started-a-farm/feed/ 0 A Community of Growers https://civileats.com/2024/07/23/a-community-of-growers/ https://civileats.com/2024/07/23/a-community-of-growers/#respond Tue, 23 Jul 2024 09:00:48 +0000 https://civileats.com/?p=57010 The post A Community of Growers appeared first on Civil Eats.

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Can Cooking in Community Slow Dementia and Diabetes? https://civileats.com/2024/07/01/can-cooking-in-community-slow-dementia-and-diabetes/ Mon, 01 Jul 2024 09:00:36 +0000 https://civileats.com/?p=56745 “They teach us how to cook a dish without meat, and I love it,” Pratt, a charismatic New Orleans native, told me on a recent afternoon in Oakland. “I have more energy and I just feel better when I eat better.” Several people in the class, including Pratt, are Black women living with diabetes. The […]

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Gail Pratt is the oldest of seven sisters and the only one who didn’t learn to cook growing up. When a friend told her about a cooking class at The Good Life, an Oakland, California-based nonprofit offering healthy aging activities for older adults, she decided to enroll. For the past four years, 69-year-old Pratt has logged on most Thursday mornings from her kitchen, joining about 50 other women in her age group from all over the San Francisco Bay Area for an hourlong virtual lesson.

“They teach us how to cook a dish without meat, and I love it,” Pratt, a charismatic New Orleans native, told me on a recent afternoon in Oakland. “I have more energy and I just feel better when I eat better.” Several people in the class, including Pratt, are Black women living with diabetes.

“If you have type 2 diabetes left unchecked, unmanaged, then you are absolutely increasing your risk of developing dementia at later stages of life.”

The Good Life originated in 2020 as a clinical research study on dementia and diabetes prevention led by the U.C. Davis Alzheimer’s Disease Research Center. Some researchers have dubbed dementia “type 3 diabetes” or “diabetes of the brain,” linking blood sugar levels to cognitive decline, though more research is needed to link the conditions.

“If you have type 2 diabetes left unchecked, unmanaged, then you are absolutely increasing your risk of developing dementia at later stages of life,” said Shanette Merrick, U.C. Davis’ clinical research supervisor and The Good Life’s executive director. She and her team recently concluded a study, she said, designed to show that “a healthy lifestyle change would slow down or stop the onset of dementia and diabetes.”

Shanette Merrick’s live cooking class with Mattie Stevenson in attendance, pictured second row from top. (Image courtesy of The Good Life)

Food holds significance at various stages of Alzheimer’s and other dementias—the third leading cause of death for older residents in Alameda County, where The Good Life operates. Early warning signs of Alzheimer’s include forgetting directions to familiar locations like the grocery store and struggling to organize a shopping list. At later stages of the disease, individuals may have difficulty preparing meals and recognizing the food on their plate as edible; some ultimately forget to chew or have difficulty swallowing due to muscle weakness and changes in the brain region responsible for coordination. Cooking and eating nutritious foods, meanwhile, has shown promise in helping individuals maintain and even enhance their cognitive function. Cooking with others may amplify these benefits, by reducing social isolation—a growing problem and one that’s associated with an even greater risk for dementia.

Projects like The Good Life and others around the country are tackling multiple needs. They improve nutrition, social connection, and mental well-being, especially for people living in communities burdened by chronic disinvestment and disease. The Michigan Center for Urban African American Aging Research, for example, is working to feed Black elders while reducing health disparities. With The Good Life, Merrick set out to transform the way Black elders perceive food, hoping to influence dietary changes within entire families. “I see it happening,” she said.

Cooking to Heal

Merrick works closely with David K. Johnson, a clinical psychologist who designed U.C. Davis’ study. He found a civic partner for his research in the city of Oakland. Initially, The Good Life’s cooking and exercise classes were scheduled at the East Oakland Sports Center, which shares a parking lot with a senior center, but pandemic shelter-in-place orders thwarted their plans. Merrick, who lives in East Oakland, proposed online classes to bring people together and address something she was seeing in her community: Black elders grappling with extreme isolation and fear of their vulnerability to the coronavirus. An avid cook and self-identified creative, Merrick offered to teach the cooking class herself. She did not expect classes to last more than a few months, but now, four years later, interest is still growing: Merrick sees 40 to 55 participants weekly, including the core group of around 30 women who’ve been with her since the beginning.

“When they first started the class, I would always add some meat to my dishes, like some shrimp or some chicken,” said Pratt, who is one of those early members. “And now I can do the dishes without the meat, so they’re really helpful as far as teaching us how to cook healthy meatless meals.” (Studies have shown that a vegan or high-vegetable diet may reduce risk of dementia.)

Shanette Merrick shops for lemons and other food items at the legendary supermarket Berkeley Bowl in Berkeley, California. (Image courtesy of The Good Life)

Merrick chooses seasonal recipes from cookbooks and websites to spotlight foods that promote optimal brain functioning and overall health. In recent months, the class has prepared a “Moroccan Style” bowl featuring chickpeas, couscous and roasted root vegetables; “Peanut Chili Noodles”; and various leafy green salads with fresh herbs and homemade dressings. While Merrick prepares a dish on camera, her production manager and fellow cooking instructor Nya Siwatu (also her daughter) explains each ingredient’s beneficial properties. When they finish cooking, the group stays online, eating together and sharing unique twists anyone might have added to the recipe.

“They’re learning how to really look at their plates and say, ‘That heals my pancreas, this is good for my heart, this is good for my skin—everything on this plate is healing my body,’” Merrick said. “That’s super powerful.”

Regular class participants say they’ve changed how they shop, stock their pantries and season their food. They also report having lower A1Cs, the most commonly used measurement for tracking blood sugar levels. Pratt credits The Good Life with decreasing her blood pressure and blood sugar—and as partial inspiration for renting a community garden plot with another participant, Brenda Harrel, 72, a mother and active gardener. The rising costs of food and the short shelf life of fresh produce also contributed to their decision.

“All of the herbs that we use when we’re cooking, we’ll go to the store and buy it, and when we get ready to use it again, it’s no good,” Harrel said.

Harrel and Pratt wanted the option to pick truly fresh produce from their garden for their weekly class. So far, they’ve planted basil, cilantro, parsley, hot peppers, onions, butter lettuce, collard greens, strawberries, cherry tomatoes, and bell peppers.

Creating Food Access

Not all elders can access a community garden plot or have the energy to tend one. For many, simply getting to a grocery store with a variety of nutritious, affordable foods can be a challenge. California is home to the largest population of adults over 65 in the United States, but many who live on low incomes can’t meet their basic needs, increasing their risk of chronic illness and disease. The U.C. Davis Alzheimer’s Research Center received a $5 million grant from the state to ask, “What are the ways that we cannot only get older adults to exercise and diet, but what are the important differences in the way that Black Americans adopt healthy lifestyles and white Americans adopt healthy lifestyles?” Johnson explained. “Sometimes I call that the study of haves and have-nots.”

“I want to remain mobile. So what do you do? You eat right and you exercise.”

According to the Alzheimer’s Association, older Black Americans are twice as likely as older non-Hispanic white Americans to have Alzheimer’s or other dementias. Latinx Americans are about 1.5 times as likely. And women make up almost two-thirds of Americans living with the disease. Researchers at Columbia University’s Irving Medical Center have attributed the racial disparities to social and environmental factors, including chronic exposure to racism and unequal access to healthy food options. East Oakland is a prime example: Driving with Merrick from the East Oakland Sports Center to the a supermarket for a few red onions was a 2-mile one-way journey, which would have taken 45 minutes on foot or roughly 30 minutes by public transit, each way.

In addition to online classes, The Good Life provides free food, through pickups at the Sports Center to ensure participants get the ingredients they need for the recipes. Merrick says the number of food pickups has nearly doubled since the program started. The day before class, she and her team, including Spanish-language instructor Irma Hernandez, meet at the Sports Center to bag and package the week’s ingredients, usually sourced from a legendary local supermarket, the Berkeley Bowl. An hour later, women start trickling into the Sports Center lobby with reusable shopping bags and backpacks to pick up their ingredients, along with additional food—milk, eggs, vegetables, crackers, chips, and more—donated by the Alameda County Food Bank. During pickup hours, the lobby transforms from an echoey transactional space into a social scene. Many women linger to chat with each other and the staff, filling the air with warmth and laughter. They share cooking stories and catch up on each other’s lives.

Patricia Richard, an active 77-year-old who many credit with telling them about The Good Life, said she visits her neighborhood farmers’ market weekly, but still goes to the Sports Center for specific food items. “I want to remain mobile,” she said. “So what do you do? You eat right and you exercise.” A Good Life participant since it launched, Richard transitioned to a vegan diet a year and a half ago after learning she had partial artery blockage. “I decided that rather than taking drugs, I’ll just go with the diet.”

Patricia Richard (center) with fitness supervisor and trainer Michael Tatmon, Jr. (left), Shanette Merrick (top right), and Irma Hernandez (bottom right). (Image courtesy of The Good Life)

Despite the prevalence of dementia in the Black community, this group is underrepresented in research studies on preventing and treating the condition (though there are signs of improvement). Richard wanted to help researchers collect information “about Black people, about the discrepancies, and why we have so much dementia,” she said, so she joined U.C. Davis’ Alzheimer’s Disease Cohort, an ongoing study for which she undergoes a “grueling” 2.5-hour annual examination involving memory tests, blood work, and an MRI scan. Her involvement will continue for the rest of her life.

Forming Intergenerational Bonds

In the program’s first two years, Merrick personally delivered ingredients to Mattie Stevenson, an Oakland resident since the 1950s and the eldest participant in her class. When she spoke with me last year, Stevenson told me the cooking class had helped her manage diabetes and a heart condition by teaching her new ways to cook foods she loved and ones she had avoided, like cauliflower. Learning about new utensils provided a surprising benefit. “I just love the potato peeler,” she said. “It’s brought a joy to my life.”

“Loneliness is the most significant mental health issue facing older adults, no matter race, creed, or color—doesn’t matter. People want to be together.”

As this story was being reported, Stevenson passed away, at the age of 95. Merrick said she had come to think of Stevenson as family. On delivery days, the two would often sit on the porch and talk. That Stevenson’s son asked Merrick to speak at his mother’s funeral reflects the bond the two women formed in a relatively short time. “[Her passing] was devastating,” said Merrick. “It’s the hardest thing I’ve had to deal with since I’ve been doing this.” Not long before her death, The Good Life posted a promotional video on YouTube capturing Stevenson for a few moments at the center of the screen, a video that now also honors her memory.

For Johnson, the U.C. Davis psychologist, the power of social interaction and support is a critical facet of The Good Life. “Loneliness is the most significant mental health issue facing older adults, no matter race, creed, or color—doesn’t matter,” he said. “People want to be together.” He plans to publish a paper on his findings in the coming months; for now, he says the combination of maintaining a healthy, whole-foods diet and having a vibrant social life is our most effective defense against cognitive decline and dementia. As for the question he set out to answer about lifestyle differences: “Not all the data is analyzed,” he explained in an email, “but I can say with great certainty that Black Americans feel most at home and therefore most likely to adopt healthy lifestyles when other Black Americans from similar communities (what we call cultural congruence) lead the classes and comport themselves as unapologetically African American.”

The Good Life anticipates serving roughly 1,200 people across all its classes this summer, with around 700 of them participating in La Buena Vida, the Spanish-language version of the organization that launched last year. In Hernandez’s cooking class, participants often prepare vegetarian versions of “traditional Mexican food,” like chiles en nogada and cactus salad, she said. Recently, her class was broadcast to Oakland’s San Antonio Senior Center, tripling the number of participants—and offering a glimpse into the future.

Irma Hernandez teaching La Buena Vida participants to cook a vegetarian dish. (Image courtesy of The Good Life)

To expand its reach, The Good Life has started building studios in Oakland, with the goal of broadcasting programming to senior centers throughout California. Hernandez says that older adults, including herself, have struggled to engage online because they “didn’t grow up with the technology, don’t have a computer, or internet at home.” Senior centers often have all the tech on-site—and a captive audience. Ten centers have already agreed to partner; they hope to solidify 40 more partners by the end of the year.

Meanwhile, Merrick is focused on scaling to serve people of all ages and facilitate healing across generations within family lines.

“Our kitchens should be our pharmacies; our kitchens should be our spaces of healing,” she said. “We don’t pass down the diabetes gene; we pass down recipes and eating habits.”

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]]> A US Court Found Chiquita Guilty of Murder in Colombia. What Does the Ruling Mean for Other U.S. Food Corporations Abroad? https://civileats.com/2024/06/25/chiquita-found-guilty-of-murder-abroad-other-us-food-companies-may-be-next/ Tue, 25 Jun 2024 09:00:00 +0000 https://civileats.com/?p=56711 The novel is a parable for how the United Fruit Company, the U.S. multinational giant that rebranded as Chiquita in 1990, sustained its banana plantations across Latin America through ruthless, bloody tactics, confronting consequences only rarely. The fictional massacre is based on real events: In 1928, Colombian troops killed striking United Fruit Company workers in […]

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There is no justice for the families of massacred banana workers in Gabriel García Márquez’s One Hundred Years of Solitude. Their deaths are only remembered by the massacre’s sole survivor, José Arcadio Segundo, who spends the rest of his life trying to convince others in his town of what he witnessed. In the book’s final scene, even the town is “wiped out by the wind and exiled from the memory of men.” The fictional banana company’s power is so vast that it can bend history and memory—and murder its workers with impunity.

The novel is a parable for how the United Fruit Company, the U.S. multinational giant that rebranded as Chiquita in 1990, sustained its banana plantations across Latin America through ruthless, bloody tactics, confronting consequences only rarely. The fictional massacre is based on real events: In 1928, Colombian troops killed striking United Fruit Company workers in a town not far from where Márquez grew up.

Despite this history, the banana giant’s pattern of violent repression wiped out by the wind has arrived at a new chapter.

After a 17-year legal struggle, survivors of Chiquita’s violence in Colombia received a rare, groundbreaking legal victory. A South Florida jury found the U.S.-headquartered agribusiness liable for financing murders carried out by the right-wing paramilitary group Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia (AUC) between 1997 and 2004.

During these years, Chiquita secretly paid upwards of $1.7 million to the AUC, a designated terrorist organization, to act as a security force pacifying the banana-growing region in the midst of Colombia’s decades-long civil war.

This marks the first time a U.S. court held a corporation liable for human rights abuses committed in another country—which lawyers and advocates describe as a historic legal milestone against transnational corporate abuse.

“The level of this victory is so great,” said Charity Ryerson, a human rights attorney and the executive director of Corporate Accountability Lab. “I hope that we spend the next three decades unpacking what this means, and that it spurs many, many, many additional cases on this basis, so that we can try to redevelop an area of law that does actually keep up with globalization and really protects the people who are most vulnerable.”

The U.S. legal system has not kept up with the globalization of the economy, Ryerson continued, resulting in few legal mechanisms to address transnational corporate abuse, including the absence of a comprehensive U.S. federal statute. Even when U.S. corporations are under fire in a lawsuit, cases involving transnational crimes can be dragged out for decades and historically have evaded a public trial before a jury and a verdict.

“These big companies usually involved in horrific acts in other countries often settle rather than have those facts see the light of day in court,” said Marissa Vahlsing, a lawyer with EarthRights International, which represented the plaintiffs.

In this case, “[Chiquita] tried every defense under the sun,” she said. “They tried to bring it to Colombia. We had to fight for years to keep this in American courts. I think that they felt the plaintiffs would just get tired and the lawyers would get tired and give up.” But they didn’t. “It was a very tiring case, and we’re not done,” Vahlsing said.

The jury ordered Chiquita to pay the family members of eight victims a total of $38 million for its crimes. This is just one of many cases representing thousands of victims—the families of banana workers, social activists, and union organizers—seeking to hold Chiquita accountable for murders in partnership with the AUC. The plaintiffs include many wives and children of the men killed, who often “had to leave their homes, leave their farms, move to cities, take refuge somewhere,” said Vahlsing. “Their lives were turned upside down.”

Beyond its direct effect on its employees and their families, the United Fruit Company has been described as a “pioneer of capitalist globalization,” developing a business model for global, multinational food corporations operating often in resource-rich and poverty-stricken regions of the Global South. This model has continued to be linked to violence and horrific abuses and is rarely held accountable, let alone put on trial before a jury. Still today, many of the largest U.S. food corporations have subsidiaries or parts of their supply chain associated with ongoing human rights abuses.

For instance, the production of cocoa in the Ivory Coast has a long history of documented human rights abuses, including child slavery on the plantations that supply Mars, Nestlé, and Hershey, prompting a 2023 federal lawsuit against the Biden administration. In Indonesia, the supply of palm oil to U.S. commodity traders ADM and Bunge has been linked to deforestation, violent confrontations with state security forces, and land grabs. More recently, an investigation by The New York Times found that PepsiCo supplies its sugar from plantations in India that push young girls into receiving hysterectomies and entering into child marriages to work alongside their husbands in the fields.

The recent verdict illuminates one pathway—a feasible legal avenue for comparable cases—for holding U.S. corporations accountable for human rights abuses abroad. The case was litigated in the U.S. under Colombian law, relying on the bedrock legal doctrine that a U.S. court can hear a defendant in their jurisdiction for crimes anywhere in the world. It’s one of few legal options, following a 2013 Supreme Court decision limiting the capacity for cases of international corporate abuse to be heard under federal law.

“[The Chiquita verdict] helps reinforce that there’s no law-free zone,” said Agnieszka Fryszman, a human rights lawyer with Cohen Milstein, which represented the plaintiffs. “If companies are operating overseas, in an area where there’s a weak rule of law and weak institutions, they could still be held to account here in their home state and home jurisdiction.”

Read More:
Diving—and Dying—for Red Gold: The Human Cost of Honduran Lobster           
Environmental Defenders—Often Fighting Agribusiness—Are Being Violently Silenced Around the World

Wildfire Smoke Is a Health Emergency. The devastating health impacts of wildfire smoke are becoming clearer. A recent study, published in Scientific Advances, found that fine particulate matter from California’s wildfires led to between 52,500 and 55,700 deaths between 2008 and 2018. “These are very irritative, very small particles that could cause damage wherever they go in the body,” Dr. Thomas Dailey, who works in pulmonary medicine at the Kaiser Permanente Santa Clara Medical Center, told CBS News. These health risks are concerning for farmworkers who work long hours outdoors, often with no guaranteed protections. Currently, only three states—California, Oregon, and Washington—have regulations to safeguard workers from wildfire smoke exposure.

Read More:
How Centuries of Extractive Agriculture Helped Set the Stage for the Maui Fires
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Farmers Challenging Vehicle Emission Standards. Both the National Corn Growers Association and American Farm Bureau Federation are part of a new lawsuit challenging the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency’s rule for heavy-duty vehicle emissions standards, which aims to curb smog, soot, and greenhouse gas emissions. The groups claim that the standards transition to electric vehicles will cause economic harm, while leaving out the role of ethanol in lowering emissions from vehicles. It’s not a surprising claim coming from the National Corn Growers Association, which represents farmers growing the corn that is used to produce ethanol, a controversial biofuel.

Read More:
How Corn Ethanol for Biofuel Fed Climate Change

The post A US Court Found Chiquita Guilty of Murder in Colombia. What Does the Ruling Mean for Other U.S. Food Corporations Abroad? appeared first on Civil Eats.

]]> Oral History Project Preserves Black and Indigenous Food Traditions https://civileats.com/2024/06/04/oral-history-project-preserves-black-and-indigenous-food-traditions/ https://civileats.com/2024/06/04/oral-history-project-preserves-black-and-indigenous-food-traditions/#comments Tue, 04 Jun 2024 09:00:13 +0000 https://civileats.com/?p=56390 He had overheard Desmond discussing seeds with his neighbor. “People have hung on to seeds even when they aren’t actively planting and tending them,” says Desmond. “They hold memories and are cherished as story and timekeeping objects.” Agriculture has been a way of life and a source of meaning and pride for Black and Indigenous […]

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Traveling through Appalachia, Tessa Desmond and her team kept hearing the seed stories. As interviewers with the Heirloom Gardens Oral History Project (HGP), they spent more than two months talking to home gardeners, cooks, farmers and local historians, learning about seeds that had become part of family lore: the fistful of crowder peas discovered in a late grandmother’s bible, a place of importance to her, or the rare collard greens seeds now named Nellie Taylor collards, which were offered by her son-in law, who plucked them from the freezer where they had been stored in a plastic bag for 30 years since her passing.

He had overheard Desmond discussing seeds with his neighbor. “People have hung on to seeds even when they aren’t actively planting and tending them,” says Desmond. “They hold memories and are cherished as story and timekeeping objects.”

Agriculture has been a way of life and a source of meaning and pride for Black and Indigenous people for centuries, shaping rituals, beliefs, and traditions. Slavery and colonialism exploited their agricultural knowledge and shattered their lives. The heirloom gardens project, a collaboration between Princeton University, Spelman College’s Food Studies program, and Ujamaa Cooperative Farming Alliance, aims to memorialize their long-held expertise and culturally meaningful foods.

For two years, students and faculty are collecting the oral histories of community members in the southeastern United States and Appalachia who are preserving their agricultural, culinary, and medicinal traditions. Oral history is a natural vehicle for these stories. For centuries, most Black Americans were denied learning to read or write, and passed information through the spoken word instead.

The HGP is not a traditional research project, says Hanna Garth, an assistant professor of anthropology at Princeton and a principal investigator with the group. It publishes the memories as raw transcripts rather than presenting them through an academic lens. “It’s how [the subjects] see their own lives,” she explains, “rather than someone from the outside reflecting on how we might see their lives.”

The transcripts are housed in an easily accessible public archive. Researchers hope the knowledge they contain will be used in various ways—for example, to create a community garden with culturally significant plants, to further explore people’s experiences, or to dig deeper into issues related to land access, gardening, farming, and food access and sovereignty.

The HGP grew out of the pandemic’s early days, when Ujamaa, a collective of heirloom seed growers, held a Zoom series with grandmothers discussing their culinary memories—including what their own grandmothers ate and grew in their gardens.

Garth and Desmond, a research scholar at Princeton and an Ujamaa board member, and HGP’s other principal investigator, then won a two-year grant from Princeton to develop the project. Once 150 interviews have been completed, Ujamaa members will be trained to continue the work and to expand its geographic reach.

Ujamaa is also tracking down the seeds mentioned in the interviews so it can provide them to farmers for growing more seeds. Seed farming offers farmers an additional revenue stream with a lighter lift than market farming, with less field time, lower seed costs, if any, and a ready market as demand for seeds outstrips supply.

If a farmer can become established as a grower of certain types of seeds, larger seed companies are more likely to contract with them to provide those seeds to a wider market. Ujamaa’s mission is to cultivate and create agency for BIPOC farmers and give their communities easy access to the foods important to them.

Civil Eats recently spoke to two of HGP’s key figures, Ujamaa  co-founder Bonnetta Adeeb and Desmond, about how HGP democratizes seed collection and knowledge-sharing while supporting diversity in the seed industry. We’ve included audio samples of oral histories from the project.

How do you decide what is a culturally meaningful food?

Adeeb: During COVID, when we lost so many seniors, we were hustling to interview elders about what was culturally meaningful. They would talk about what was in their grandmothers’, their ancestors’ gardens, what was important. What did they eat? What was medicinal? What exactly was being grown there? For about nine months, we [asked these questions] across the diaspora. We gathered this data. It was grandma approved, so our authority comes from the elders. This work is central to who we are and to having the authority to answer the question, What is culturally meaningful.

What does it mean when culturally important plants are lost?

Adeeb: African American history is being outlawed in Florida’s public schools. That knowledge is power. It’s super important [to others] to take that power, that knowledge, away, because without it, you don’t realize the strength on whose shoulders you stand.

Recently in Baltimore, there was a USDA person telling Black farmers that cowpeas were not safe for human consumption. We’re talking about black-eyed peas, one of the most important foods. It’s incumbent on us to reclaim that.

Civilization is built on the back of successful agriculture. We’re reclaiming that tradition, honoring our ancestors. Agriculture is culture. And how could you not feel better about yourself when you realize the genius of your ancestors? It was their I     ndigenous knowledge that created the benefits we have. As we celebrate them, we celebrate ourselves. It builds pride, strength, and courage, and enables us to fight another day because we ate a good meal.

Ujamaa, a Swahili word which means cooperative economics, wants to increase diversity in the seed industry and bridge the gap between prospective growers and seed companies. How will the oral history project support that? 

Adeeb: There was a loss of farmland, farm traditions, knowledge, and skills being passed from one generation to the other due to migration. A lot of our work is restoring the basic knowledge and traditions. We’d like to take that further and look at the Indigenous seed-keeping skills and technologies that develop the ‘crops’ we have today. That’s an important part of our work.

The industry is consolidating. We need to develop seed companies like ours that focus on the foods that are important to [our] communities. Who better than the farmers themselves to grow what’s culturally meaningful for them?

A lot of Black and Indigenous farmers are working full-time jobs and farming on weekends and at night. Growing heirloom varieties—seeds that reproduce like their grandparents, otherwise, we’re not eating the food of our ancestors—will create revenue and give our growers a way to hold on to their farms and increase their control.

Desmond: People have known that knowledge is valuable for a very long time, but it has been systematically diminished. Some of the most exciting stuff happening in the urban local regional food system is led by people of color. Ancestral knowledge is with the people who stayed in the rural areas who are aging out.

We want [other growers] to know how Miss Birdie May from Farmville, North Carolina, developed this really awesome system when her collards go to seed. That’s how the oral history project is growing BIPOC growers, acting as a bridge across this huge geographical divide that is the product of the Great Migration and aggravated by that history.

It sounds like the stories themselves are like seeds, germinating new information and understanding.

Adeeb: We’ve found seeds bred by incarcerated people. How could you not want to follow that story? Boleiti collard is one. I recently heard about the boleiti being important to the Lumbee [Tribe of North Carolina], who have made these delicious collard greens sandwiches out of it. That got me really excited. Even the industrial prison complex recognizes skills within the community. They knew these foods were important.

Desmond: Some might think, “Oh, this was bred in a jail. How horrible.” Then you meet the teacher of the horticulture class, and he had incredible pride. The way he tells it, folks are excited to work and be on the farm and out of their cells. They’re expressing a real creativity in plant selection are proud of the variety that they’ve developed over time. They sent collard greens to the governor’s mansion, [which] were served at a meal. …the seeds offer opportunities to find these stories, get really deep into the details, and humanize everybody involved.

Voices From the Gardens

Excerpts and audio snippets from the Heirloom Gardens Oral History Project. Text transcripts have been lightly edited for clarity.

Eulalia Williams, Farmville, North Carolina
Founder of the Farmville Community Garden. Raised in Farmville and Compton, California.

Eulalia Williams portrait

Eulalia Williams.

I would follow Granddaddy out to the garden that was plowed by the mule. We plant corn, plant fish heads under the corn. My mother would go out with the saltshaker in the morning and we’d pick tomatoes and eat those. We would harvest things in the morning, prepare them, and they’d be on the table for 3 o’clock. It was comforting to me. I wanted it and fresh vegetables again. That’s what got me into community gardening. It wasn’t community gardening—it was backyard gardening. Everyone had one.

But when I came back [to Farmville] in 2014, there were none. It’s like, “Wait a minute. We used to grow our own food here. We didn’t have to go to the grocery store.”

I hope the [community] garden encourages people to realize that you are what you eat. They have control over that. They don’t have to just settle for what can be found in the grocery store. Take that control and use it to grow up bigger, stronger, and help other people. We can do a revolution here. We can make a difference.

Vivian Fields, Farmville, North Carolina
Lifetime resident and longtime gardener.

Vivian Fields.

Vivian Fields.

It wasn’t integrated at the time, so we grew up hard in Farmville. We couldn’t hardly come across Main Street without being with the white. We fought all the time.

We always had to come to the north side to get groceries and everything. We didn’t have much money, so we all were raised on garden food and stuff. Whatever we didn’t have, we had to go to the white man and ask for it. If he didn’t OK it, we didn’t get it. I thought that was very wrong because we all were supposed to be equal.

On my side, we had chicken, hogs, turkey, and the hogs had barbecued pork and all of that. Collards and cabbages, potatoes, white potatoes, squash, and black-eyed peas was coming from the garden, so we had plenty of that.

That’s the only thing we ate was garden food. We very seldom [went] to the store and bought anything unless it was milk and bread.

Jennifer Kanyamibwa, Atlanta, Georgia
Co-founder of Plant Lady Juice Co. Born in Rwanda.

Jennifer Kanyamibwa

Jennifer Kanyamibwa.

I think whether directly or indirectly, especially if you’re a Black farmer, you’re coming from a tradition where this is something that has been passed on. Growing things is the most human thing you can do. If you go throughout Africa, you see how people use herbs and food as medicine and as celebration. It is something that’s so intrinsically African and Black and Indigenous about growing your own vegetables and plants.

A lot of the farmers we work with are very, very committed to growing things that are natural to the surrounding environment and have a lineage and a thread to things you can trace back to Africa.

Folami Harris, Covington, Georgia
Woman farmer who grows vegetables and fruits that complement African cuisines. Raised in Kingston, Jamaica.

Folami Harris.

Folami Harris.

How do I grow things that bring us back to our roots? Because it’s more than just the taste. It’s also the memories and the possibilities for intercultural connections.

Everywhere I’ve gone, I’ve been a kidnapper of seeds. There were always seeds in my luggage that I hoped Immigration would never uncover. I was always intrigued by how we took food from one place to another and how we use them differently. We never ate sweet potato leaves, but in Africa, they were interested in the sweet potato leaves. Food, its history, and the diverse ways in which we use it are very intriguing to me.

It’s my hope that as we are able to boost production, we are able to create a more vibrant impact on what everybody eats, because it will be of interest to everyone, but first and foremost to us, and maybe it will revive interest in African diaspora cuisines. When we started, there was no “High on the Hog,” no “Searching for Soul Food.” When I watch that stuff, I’m so happy.

Emmanuel Fields, Frankfort, Kentucky
His grandmother’s sharecropping experience made him turn away from a connection to agriculture and community. Creating a Master’s thesis documentary about the Kentucky’s Black farmers transformed him into a seeker of stories and steward of the land.

Emmanuel Fields.

Emmanuel Fields.

Once I started the documentary, everything changed for me. It was not just to show and shed light on stories of inequalities, but to show essentially an amazing triumph. I learned [that] our history here, especially with growing things, is not completely wrapped up in slavery, in negative mindsets, or ways that are meant to attack and push you down.

Instead, those same things are used for triumph . . . and to show you exactly how strong you are and what you’re capable of doing.It rewrote a lot of things that I had solidified in my own head about my own history, my people’s histories. A new narrative has changed a lot of the way I see and move through the world.

These are things I can attribute to being completely centered around food and farming. If I can have a positive impact on one person who could be struggling like I was at one point with a lot of deep generational racial trauma and things that are passed down, I feel I would have helped.

Tiffany Bellfield El-Amin, Madison County, Kentucky
A third-generation farmer who stewards her grandparents’ land at Ballew Estates, where she was raised.

Tiffany Bellfield El-Amin.

Tiffany Bellfield El-Amin.

Grandma would have napkins—pawpaw tubes just full of seeds—from where we had brought stuff off our farm to eat, slices of tomatoes or cucumber. They would save the seeds in a napkin, come home, dry them out. That’s what you’re supposed to do after you eat the fruit: Take the seed and do it again. There would be a countertop full of seeds, cantaloupe, melons, watermelon. They were efficient people. I was born in ‘84, but I grew up with this lifestyle of, “You want watermelon, you better grow it.”

I feel like [my grandma] was like a botanist. She would make these tomatoes. They were juicy. Sometimes they’d get so big they’re mushy, but they were good. She would save those seeds and keep growing those.

This is the first time in a while where I’ve sat and thought, “You really ain’t got no seeds of your grandma’s.” They had all dried out. I have to cultivate something that produces seeds, so my grandchildren, godchildren, and kids can keep that going, because it’s so important.

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]]> https://civileats.com/2024/06/04/oral-history-project-preserves-black-and-indigenous-food-traditions/feed/ 2 For This Alaska Town, Whaling Is a Way of Life https://civileats.com/2024/04/22/for-this-alaska-town-whaling-is-a-way-of-life/ Mon, 22 Apr 2024 12:16:52 +0000 https://civileats.com/?p=56005 So it was a collective victory for the village in April 2017, when then-16-year-old Chris became the youngest person in his community to harpoon a whale: Gambell fed off the bounty for months. But after his mom, Susan, posted about the exciting accomplishment on Facebook and the Anchorage newspaper picked up the news, the family […]

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For many Alaska Native communities, subsistence hunting and fishing is a way of life. For the Apassingok family, it accounts for more than 80 percent of their food. If Daniel Apassingok and his sons, Chris and Chase, have a particularly fruitful day out on the water pursuing seals, walruses, and whales, they can feed their entire Siberian Yupik village of Gambell.

So it was a collective victory for the village in April 2017, when then-16-year-old Chris became the youngest person in his community to harpoon a whale: Gambell fed off the bounty for months. But after his mom, Susan, posted about the exciting accomplishment on Facebook and the Anchorage newspaper picked up the news, the family received thousands of online hate messages—even death threats.

At once heartbreaking and heartwarming, this story is the subject of One with the Whale, a new, award-winning documentary that premieres on PBS’s Independent Lens on April 22. Created by co-directors Pete Chelkowski and Jim Wickens with the community’s blessing, it showcases the struggles of subsistence hunting—and the lack of understanding about its importance.

“Subsistence hunting is a traditional lifestyle that’s been passed down from generation to generation, and we rely upon it dearly,” says Daniel Apassingok. “It helps feed not just the community, but the next village and people all over the state.”

The Apassingok family in Gambell. (Photo credit: Jim Wickens)

The Apassingok family in Gambell. (Photo credit: Jim Wickens)

With a population of around 600 people, the remote town of Gambell sits on the northwest cape of St. Lawrence Island within the Bering Sea, closer to Russia (36 miles) than the Alaska mainland (200 miles). The environment there is rugged and barren, lacking trees or other vegetation. Conditions can be harsh, with temperatures dropping to -20°F in the winter.

For Chelkowski and Wickens, who are not Indigenous, making this film had a profound impact on their understanding of Alaska Native lifeways. “I’m from New York City, and there are probably more people living in the building I grew up in than in the whole village of Gambell—so witnessing the way of life in Gambell was really eye-opening,” says Chelkowski “But this is not some fairy tale; these are real people who are living in the most difficult conditions on the planet and overcoming seemingly insurmountable obstacles. And they do it with hope and love.”

In Gambell, packaged foods and other supplies arrive only by plane, and the inflated prices at the local grocery store reflect those import efforts. For their family of five, Susan spends upward of $500 a week on the mainly processed foods that line the store shelves. Compounding matters, a lack of jobs makes it tough for many Gambell residents—whose poverty rate hovers around 35 percent—to afford those high food costs.

“You have to hunt, you have to gather berries, you have to gather sea vegetables,” former John Apangalook School principal Rob Taylor explains in the film. “If you don’t do subsistence activities, you die.”

“You have to hunt, you have to gather berries, you have to gather sea vegetables. If you don’t do subsistence activities, you die.”

The school allows students to miss 10 school days per year for subsistence hunting and gathering, though kids often skip out on more than that in order to put food on the table. Given the imperative of providing for their families, it can be tough to impress upon young people the importance of formal education.

Of particular significance is the springtime bowhead whale migration, which kicks off a weeks-long whaling season starting in late March or early April, when temperatures warm up to 20°F. Apassingok recalls some seasons, like last year’s, when they didn’t catch any whales. In those years, they try to make up for the lost harvest by catching more seals and walruses throughout the spring and summer. But whales—particularly bowheads, one of the largest and heaviest species—are the ultimate prize. Each can yield hundreds of pounds of meat and maktak (skin with blubber), which are rich sources of lean protein, healthy polyunsaturated fatty acids, and vitamins A, D, and E.

Gambell is one of 11 Alaska villages that participate in whaling as authorized by the International Whaling Commission and regulated by the nonprofit Alaska Eskimo Whaling Commission, which oversees the quota system. The estimated 50 whales harvested by Alaska Native communities annually provide about 2 million pounds of food, which would cost upward of $20 million to replace with a store-bought protein such as beef, which averages anywhere from $10 to $20 per pound in these remote places.

“A small 30-foot whale will feed a family for a few weeks,” says Apassingok. “If you catch three whales, you can feed a family for the summer. Some people can’t afford to buy their food from the stores, especially when they have big families.”

Chasing a whale, in a still from the PBS documentary

Chasing a whale. (Photo credit: Jim Wickens)

The Yupik way of life is threatened by climate change, which is causing extreme weather, flooding, coastal erosion, and unprecedented ice loss across the Bering Sea. Those evolving conditions, in turn, have been shown to impact algae, zooplankton, fish, and seabird populations in recent years.

In addition to addressing food security concerns, whaling is also an important cultural tradition that has been practiced by Siberian Yupik peoples for thousands of years. Apassingok remembers going on his first hunting excursion at 5 years old. His son Chris started hunting seals at age 7, then at 15 became a striker—the hunter posted at the front of the boat during harrowing whaling outings. In Gambell, many of these customs have been well-maintained as a result of its isolated locale, far from modern-day influences.

The traditional and modern worlds collided back in 2017 after news spread of Chris’s rite-of-passage harpooning of a 200-year-old, 57-foot bowhead whale. When Canadian-American environmentalist Paul Watson heard about it, he took to social media.

“Some 16-year-old kid is a frigging ‘hero’ for snuffing out the life of this unique, self-aware, intelligent, social, sentient being,” the now-deleted Facebook post read. (The quote is preserved in a High Country News article from the time.). “But hey, it’s OK because murdering whales is a part of his culture, part of his tradition. . . . I don’t give a damn for the bullshit politically correct attitude that certain groups of people have a ‘right’ to murder a whale.”

That inflammatory post prompted Watson’s followers—and countless other keyboard warriors—to troll the Apassingok family. Thousands of negative comments flooded in, sending the shy and stoic Chris on a downward spiral that nearly prevented him from graduating from high school.

But the community rallied around him, as did many prominent Alaskans. Governor Bill Walker presented Chris with a certificate “in recognition of his skill and expertise in landing a bowhead and receiving the gift of the ancient whale’s life to sustain his people, and upholding the values and traditions of Alaska Native culture despite opposition.” U.S. Senator Dan Sullivan also recognized him as “Alaskan of the Week” on the Senate floor then went on to hold a Commerce Committee hearing about the importance of whaling in Alaska.

“Our traditional lifestyle should be understood like a job or any other livelihood. With this film, we’re trying to help the world understand why we do this for a living.”

In October 2017, Chris was tapped to give the keynote speech at the Elders and Youth Conference, which preceded the notable Alaska Federation of Natives conference. “We take care of our land and ocean as they take care of us,” he said. “The biggest rule we are taught by the elders is to never become discouraged while hunting in hard situations. Even though we almost die, we must never give up. We must be prepared for any situation. We must know how to foretell the weather ourselves as our ancestors did. We must never be discouraged by any accident or anybody who may threaten us. I am part land, I am part water, I am always Native.” He then called upon attendees to join him in upholding traditional sustenance activities.

Seven years after that distressing situation, Chris and his family are both excited and anxious about having their story told to mainstream audiences. Naysayers will inevitably surface, especially as the documentary’s timing coincides with a call from Polynesian Indigenous groups to grant whales legal personhood as a protective measure. But the Apassingoks and the filmmakers hope that One with the Whale impresses upon viewers the vital role that whaling plays for Yupik peoples.

“The misunderstanding I see [about subsistence hunting] is beyond my imagination,” says Apassingok. “Our traditional lifestyle should be understood like a job or any other livelihood. With this film, we’re trying to help the world understand why we do this for a living.”

Chris and Ina on a date. (Photo credit: Pete Chelkowski)

Chris and Ina on a date. (Photo credit: Pete Chelkowski)

Chelkowski hopes the documentary inspires empathy among non-Native viewers, much like making the film did for him. “Subsistence hunters in Alaska are not only one with the whale; they’re one with nature,” he says. “They have co-existed beautifully with these animals for thousands of years. Without the whale, they can’t survive. In the end, the whale symbolizes tradition, love, and family.”

“One with the Whale” premieres on PBS’s Independent Lens on April 22. Watch the trailer below.

Correction: Due to an editing error, an earlier version of this article misspelled the name of the Siberian Yupik people. We apologize for the error and appreciate the readers who alerted us to the mistake.

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]]> From Civil Rights to Food Justice, Jim Embry Reflects on a Life of Creative Resistance https://civileats.com/2024/02/22/from-civil-rights-to-food-justice-jim-embry-reflects-on-a-life-of-creative-resistance/ Thu, 22 Feb 2024 09:00:51 +0000 https://civileats.com/?p=55258 In 1972, he founded the Good Foods Co-op in Lexington. Then, in 2001, at a pivotal point of his life, Embry moved to the heart of Detroit, assuming the role of director at the Boggs Center to Nurture Community Leadership, where he began integrating his work for social justice into the effort to bring nutritious […]

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Jim Embry sees tending to land as a sacred and spiritual responsibility. The food systems advocate, land steward, and beekeeper came of age during the civil rights movement in Kentucky and has spent five decades working for social and racial justice.

In 1972, he founded the Good Foods Co-op in Lexington. Then, in 2001, at a pivotal point of his life, Embry moved to the heart of Detroit, assuming the role of director at the Boggs Center to Nurture Community Leadership, where he began integrating his work for social justice into the effort to bring nutritious food to underserved communities.

This move marked the culmination of 30 years of political collaboration with luminaries Jimmy and Grace Lee Boggs. Embry’s focus on urban agriculture and food justice in Detroit drew a global audience, where he hosted audiences include the British Parliament, the Nobel Peace Prize Committee, and distinguished personalities such as Danny Glover, David Korten, and Joanna Macy.

“I have developed a worldview that enlarged my concern for all the human and non-human people: the plant people, the animal people, the water people, the air people, the rock people, the fire people. These are all our relatives, and we are all children of the Earth.”

Embry returned to his home state of Kentucky in 2006, and founded the Sustainable Communities Network (SCN), a nonprofit that connects and supports a variety of entities in a larger effort to build justice in the local food system. SCN works with nonprofits and schools in the region to integrate farming and food production into their work and advocates for local policy that supports school gardens, urban farms, and community gardens and helps get fresh produce to food insecure residents. He is also part of the Ujamaa Cooperative Farming Alliance, a Black- and Indigenous-led organization with a focus on African and African American crops.

Since then, he has traveled and spoken extensively, including trips to the World Social Forum in Brazil and to Terra Madre, the International Slow Food Gathering in Italy. Embry now lives alongside his cousin in Richmond, Kentucky, on the 30-acre Ballew Farm, named after his great uncle Atrus, who died at age 100. In June 2023, Embry received a James Beard Leadership Award that recognized his many years of leadership within the justice food and food sovereignty movements.

Embry strives to balance community activism and writing with “soil activism,” embodying the essence of a life dedicated to weaving harmony between humanity and the natural world. His ethos extends beyond human boundaries; he sees himself as “stardust condensed in human form, collaborating with kindred spirits to foster beloved communities where every being, from human to water, air, rock, animal, and plant, is held in sacred regard.”

Civil Eats recently sat down with Embry to talk about his farm, his family’s agrarian history, and how he approaches his current role as an elder in the food system.

Drawing from your experiences as an activist, farmer, and social justice leader, how have historical events influenced and shaped your passion for the social justice movement?

I’ve been a participant in all the social justice movements for the past 65 years. In 1959, when I was a 10-year-old, I was a member of the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE). My mother was the local chapter president.

Those years of activism inspired me to develop a worldview that moves beyond 45, 90, and 180 degrees and approaches 360. My involvement in social justice movements encompasses all forms of oppression that humans are subject to. But I have also developed a worldview that enlarged my concern for all the human and non-human people: the plant people, the animal people, the water people, the air people, the rock people, the fire people. These are all our relatives, and we are all children of the Earth.

As a social justice activist and organizer, I have not only participated in historical events, but I have also helped to plan and organize historical events. One case in point is the 1964 March on Frankfort, Kentucky, led by Dr. King and Jackie Robinson. As a president of the state youth chapter for the NAACP, my role was to travel around Kentucky and organize other young folks to attend the march, which attracted 10,000 people. I have gone on in my life to help organize probably 30 or 40 large events, have helped found 30 to 40 organizations, and I have never felt like dropping out.

One very important historical moment that influenced my journey was attending Dr. King’s funeral in 1968. It was here that I met Ernie Greene, well known for his involvement in the Little Rock school integration effort. He invited me to spend the summer in New York City in 1968 working construction. It seemed like the whole world was in New York City. There were people there from all over the world, interacting together. It was there that I was exposed to questions around food justice, food apartheid, food access, and the racism within the food and agricultural system.

Can you share the driving force behind your commitment to activism and the social justice movement, particularly in the context of fostering a more socially and environmentally sustainable world? 

I grew up with a closeness to the land because of my upbringing in Madison County, which sits at the foothills of the Appalachian Mountains, is fed by the Kentucky River watershed, and is nourished by soil heavy mineralized in limestone rock.

My grandparents, uncles, aunts, and cousins were all small farmers. So, my family culture was a culture of people connected to the land. I call us agrarian intellectual activists. Everything I do has been influenced by my family legacy as small farmers.

How does your family history inform your understanding of the challenges faced by today’s small-scale farmers?

My family’s history provides me an understanding that conditions during the years of enslavement, during the period after the Civil War, are all connected to what is happening today. The conditions that we faced after the Civil War were not resolved towards justice and are thus still prevalent.

There were 180,000 Black men and women who fought . . . [and] brought about the Union victory, defeated the Confederacy, and reunified the country. Most all of those Black soldiers were listed as farmers for their occupation. So, it was Black farmers who saved the union. This is the history and legacy of Black farmers.

Are you still actively involved in farming?

Yes, I’m currently actively involved in farming, but in defined ways. I’m a beekeeper and I love all those momma bees that go out and gather pollen and nectar on our 15-acre pollinator conservation project as part of our 30-acre family farm. I currently [have] about 30 fruit trees with most every kind of fruit growing. And I have all kinds of berries and fig trees and a whole variety of medicinal and cooking herbs.

On our property we have two high tunnels where we’re growing an assortment of veggies. And we do host farm tours, women’s retreats, dinners, and other educational activities here. My cousin next door raises chickens and makes value-added products from elderberries, herbs, teas, and tinctures.

We have invested in mushroom logs, and we are replenishing native tree varieties while also intentionally planning additional medicinal herbs that are native to Kentucky forests. We have two ponds on the property, and they get used periodically by family members or friends to catch fish. We have adopted an organic agricultural transition plan and we are in the second year of that activity. But honestly, because of my speaking engagements, I’m away from home for about one-third of the year.

Leadership winners, Ira Wallace, Savonala

Leadership winners Ira Wallace, Savonala “Savi” Horne, Valerie Horn, and Jim Embry speak onstage at the 2023 James Beard Restaurant And Chef Awards at Lyric Opera Of Chicago on June 5, 2023 in Chicago, Illinois. (Photo by Jeff Schear/Getty Images for The James Beard Foundation)

For most of my life, I have not been involved in farming full-time. I moved to our family farm in 2012 to help look after our aunt and uncle who were both 90 years old at the time. They were like second parents to me, and so much that I do now in the food and agriculture system is based upon their teachings.

This property that I live on now goes back to the year 1800 or so, when our ancestors were brought across the Appalachian Mountains to live here in Madison County. So, we claim ancestral stewardship of this land. We purchased it in 1889 from those folks who stole the land from Indigenous peoples.

“Each decision we make around food is a political choice. It’s an economic choice. It’s a cultural choice. It’s a spiritual choice.”

Over the years I’ve developed extensive knowledge about every aspect of the food agriculture system and recognize my role. My role as an elder is to have this systems view, to create synergy, to speak to everyone and point out that everyone has to change since everyone eats. Everyone has to change in how we relate to the food and agriculture system in our daily practice and the food choices we make.

Each decision we make around food is a political choice. It’s an economic choice. It’s a cultural choice. It’s a spiritual choice. My dear friend, Wendell Berry, who I met as a student at the University of Kentucky back in 1968, says, “Eating is an agricultural act.” This means everyone is involved in the food agricultural system. Everybody has to change.

I have spoken to presidents, peasants, university professors, preschoolers, famous actors, and to kids who are doing hip-hop, beats, and rhymes and working in some of our urban garden projects. I’ve talked to members of the Nobel Committee and kids in FFA, governors, mayors, local schoolteachers, and military veterans with missing limbs who want to farm. These are a few of the people, organizations, and institutions that I’ve been blessed to work with over the years.

What are some notable best practices and challenges you believe exist in agriculture?

If we lift up one of Albert Einstein’s famous quotes, which is, “We can’t solve today’s problems with the same way of thinking we used when we created them,” then we have to deeply examine that way of thinking. [We have] created unsustainable farming practices, damaging practices, toxic practices, practices that create injustice, health disparities, economic inequalities, loss of biodiversity, and environmental pandemics. Oftentimes, the “best practices” that emerge over time become “worst practices” and create even more problems.

“Oftentimes, the ‘best practices’ that emerge over time become ‘worst practices’ and create even more problems.”

There are many different schools of thought or different methodologies that people embrace as we do our farm work, and I have borrowed from many, but my favorite is agroecology.

Agroecology is an integrated approach that combines ecological and social principles for sustainable agriculture and food systems. It emphasizes optimizing interactions among plants, animals, humans, and the environment while fostering equitable food systems where people have a say in their food choices and production. Agroecology has evolved to include ecological, sociocultural, technological, economic, and political aspects of food systems.

The key elements of agroecology involve empowering farmers, promoting local value addition, and supporting short value chains. It enables farmers to adapt to climate change and sustainably manage natural resources and biodiversity. Agroecology stresses local knowledge, biodiversity, synergy, knowledge sharing, and economic diversification. It also focuses on fairness, connectivity, land governance, participatory learning, circular economies, and polycentric governance, serving as a science, practice set, and social movement.

How do you envision agriculture’s role in shaping our future?

Agriculture has had the biggest role in shaping human culture for the past 15,000 years. Agriculture developed some 12,000 to 15,000 years ago and was a gift to our species by women.

Agri-culture—or the growing of food through the use of seeds—allowed us to move away from being primarily hunter-gatherers. This development (and domestication of animals) gave rise to what we call modern human civilization. In my view, it is within agriculture where we have the most profound need for change, and it is within agriculture where we have the most powerful fulcrum point for social transformation of all other human institutions.

“In my view, it is within agriculture where we have the most profound need for change, and it is within agriculture where we have the most powerful fulcrum point for social transformation of all other human institutions.”

After a sharp and comprehensive critique of our prevailing and dominant worldview of agriculture, we need to develop a farming philosophy, farming practices, farming research whose primary aim is the health of the people, health of the planet, health for all other species on the Earth, and the health of the economy.

Right now, the dominant food and farming systems are used to promote profit, plunder, and have a predatory relationship with the Earth. We need a huge paradigm shift in both the philosophy and the practices of farming. That will mean changes in every aspect of the food and agriculture system from seeds to planting to production to harvest to distribution to education to marketing to eating to disposal. In the face of climate change and environmental devastation, every sector will require lots of significant changes or shifts in how we go about the work in this area.

For us to enact changes we will need to develop an integrated systems approach. But we don’t have any choice if we want to become good ancestors and leave our great-great-grandchildren an Earth of abundance.

What is your philosophy on caring for and giving back to the planet?

George Washington Carver said any injustice to the soil is injustice to the farmer. Any injustice to the farmer is injustice to the soil.

Our human quest now is to have a much more expanded view of our responsibility not just to resolving the conflicts and contradictions within the human realm but it’s also to be stewards of Earth protectors or protagonists in maintaining the sacred Earthly balance.

What advice do you have for those looking to become more involved in advocating for their communities, land, and people striving to heal, reshape, and sustain our environment?

I encourage people reading this to contact me. I invite folks to, as Bill Withers would say, use me up. I’m in my last quadrant. I’ve done all kinds of things and recognize the importance of passing on these understandings to the next generations.

Secondly, get involved in organizations; they are critical to making change. Then form study groups to discuss ideas. Get out of the U.S.; travel internationally to see the cultures, the histories of other parts of the planet. Get engaged in your community. Become a voracious reader and read books like Farming While Black by Leah Penniman, We Are Each Other’s Harvest by Natalie Baszile, Freedom Farmers by Monica White, Collective Courage by Jessica Nembhard, and the great work of Thomas Berry and Wendell Berry.

This interview has been edited for length and clarity.

The post From Civil Rights to Food Justice, Jim Embry Reflects on a Life of Creative Resistance appeared first on Civil Eats.

]]> The Land Back Movement Is Also About Foodways https://civileats.com/2024/02/12/the-land-back-movement-is-also-about-foodways/ https://civileats.com/2024/02/12/the-land-back-movement-is-also-about-foodways/#comments Mon, 12 Feb 2024 09:00:22 +0000 https://civileats.com/?p=55179 A version of this article originally appeared in The Deep Dish, our members-only newsletter. Become a member today and get the next issue directly in your inbox. For almost three hours before the event, about 150 protesters—many of them Native Americans—blockaded the road that leads to the controversial national monument. Carrying signs reading, “You Are On Stolen […]

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A version of this article originally appeared in The Deep Dish, our members-only newsletter. Become a member today and get the next issue directly in your inbox.

In 2020, just months after George Floyd’s murder, then-President Donald Trump visited South Dakota’s Mount Rushmore as part of an Independence Day celebration and used to rally his right-wing supporters with a “dark and divisive speech.” Complete with a showy fireworks display and fighter-jet flyover, the affair satisfied his longtime desire to mark the Fourth of July standing before the “Shrine of Democracy.” But the occasion served as another rallying cry as well.

“We see Land Back everywhere now, and that’s because this is a decentralized movement that isn’t driven by just one organization or leader. It’s truly a movement.”

For almost three hours before the event, about 150 protesters—many of them Native Americans—blockaded the road that leads to the controversial national monument. Carrying signs reading, “You Are On Stolen Land” and “Honor All Treaties,” the activists were contesting Trump’s policies, standing in solidarity with the worldwide Black Lives Matter movement, and calling for the return of land to Indigenous peoples—namely South Dakota’s sacred Black Hills. They faced off with local law enforcement and National Guard soldiers in riot gear, eventually disbanding following the arrest of 21 people.

Among those apprehended was Nick Tilsen, the Oglala Lakota president and CEO of NDN Collective, a Native-led organization dedicated to building Indigenous power, which has been on the frontlines of the fight to return land to tribal communities. (The charges against him were dropped in December 2022.)

Nick Tilsen during a Land Back march in Rapid City. (Photo credit: Willi White)

Nick Tilsen during a Land Back march in Rapid City. (Photo credit: Willi White)

“The Land Back movement is much older than 2020, but that was a catalyzing moment,” he says. “We had the entire White House press corps here, and we wanted to amplify this authentic Indigenous narrative at that very specific time in history when we were seeing statues getting toppled and Confederate flags being lowered around the country. We see Land Back everywhere now, and that’s because this is a decentralized movement that isn’t driven by just one organization or leader. It’s truly a movement.”

In so many ways, the Black Hills—known as Paha Sapa in Lakota—serve as a striking symbol of the Land Back movement. As detailed in the popular 2022 documentary Lakota Nation vs. United States, the western South Dakota mountain range is considered sacred by area tribal nations and was long a key hunting ground for bison, pronghorn, elk, and deer. Its unlawful seizure nearly 150 years ago remains a major point of contention.

As colonialism swept across what would become the United States during the 19th century with blatant disregard for the land’s original inhabitants, Native peoples fought off settler and military encroachment of their hunting, fishing, and gathering territories. Their lifeways—and foodways—were hugely altered and restricted.

Deadly clashes on the Great Plains prompted the Fort Laramie Treaty of 1868, which created the Great Sioux Reservation spanning 60 million acres around the Black Hills. But after gold was discovered in the mountains, the federal government redrew the treaty lines and seized the Black Hills in 1877, an act the nine tribes comprising the Great Sioux Nation have contested since that time.

In 1980, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that the land had been illegally taken and awarded more than $100 million in reparations (though the land was not returned). The tribes refused to take the money, even as it grew to a value of more than $1 billion, because the Black Hills were never for sale.

Native peoples have lost nearly 99 percent of their historical land base in the U.S., according to recent research. With it, they lost access to important hunting and fishing grounds as well as myriad places to gather and prepare food.

“I often choose the word rematriation over Land Back, because I hope that it can transcend the narrow Western/imperial concept of land ownership and tenure.”

For Tilsen and other Native thought leaders, the contemporary Land Back movement is about championing Indigenous sovereignty, self-determination, and economic opportunity while pushing back against long-standing discriminatory policies that continue to cause tribal communities undue hardships, including disproportionate poverty rates, outsized food insecurity, marked health disparities, and lower life expectancies. But it’s also about a powerful yearning to rebuild relationships to actual places—and the countless living things that inhabit them.

In Montana, for example, the Confederated Salish and Kootenai Tribes now oversee 18,000 acres where bison roam once again. In Nebraska, the Ponca people have been growing their sacred corn on farmland signed back to them in 2018. In New York, the Onondaga Nation is cleaning up the polluted waterways, once abundant with fish, on 1,000 returned acres.

In Minnesota, the Leech Lake Band of Ojibwe recently secured 12,000 acres within Chippewa National Forest, an important area for hunting, fishing, gathering, and harvesting wild rice. And in California, the Intertribal Sinkyone Wilderness Council (made up of 10 area tribal nations) is stewarding coho salmon and steelhead trout within a 523-acre property managed in partnership with the Save the Redwoods League.

Mohawk seed keeper and farmer Rowen White prefers to think of this revolution as rematriation. “I often choose the word rematriation over Land Back, because I hope that it can transcend the narrow Western/imperial concept of land ownership and tenure,” she wrote recently on Instagram. “Rematriation is in service to restoring relationality with the land and the countless more-than-human kin held within that land. Relationships-back. Loving interspecies reciprocity-back. Caring songs sung to the land that holds the bones of our ancestors-back.”

For White and many other food sovereignty activists, the movement to return ancestral homelands to their rightful tribal communities is inherently intertwined with the movement to revitalize Indigenous foodways. She points out that the massive land loss Native peoples experienced due to settler colonialism—more than 1.5 billion acres across the U.S., according to eHistory’s Invasion of America project—has hugely impacted their abilities to hunt, fish, forage, and farm.

As Tilsen mentions, Land Back predates that 2020 catalyzing moment at Mount Rushmore and the many modern-day grassroots efforts taking place across the globe. Alvin Warren was studying history at Dartmouth in the late 1980s when Santa Clara Pueblo tribal leaders tapped him to help resolve a decades-old Indian Claims Commission claim to regain some of their traditional homelands in modern-day New Mexico. Upon seeing his 221-page thesis paper on the history of his people’s homelands, the tribal council asked him to start a land acquisition program.

“I was 21 years old and had no idea how to even do that,” he recalls. “But I took it on, and we spent the better part of a decade collectively doing things we had only dreamed of. We were able to get three pieces of legislation through Congress, raise nearly $5 million, and get back more than 7,500 acres. That might not sound like a lot, but it was transformational for us because we had been hitting up against the same wall for well over a century.”

Warren helped the people of Santa Clara Pueblo regain more than 16,000 acres of their ancestral homelands, then answered the call from other tribal nations around the country to assist in reacquiring titles, entering into co-management agreements, and otherwise protecting their traditional lands. He went on to become the director of the Trust for Public Land’s tribal land program, the lieutenant governor of Santa Clara Pueblo, and eventually New Mexico’s Indian Affairs cabinet secretary.

His passion was reignited with the Biden administration’s historic appointment of Deb Haaland (Laguna Pueblo) as interior secretary. She has ushered in a new era for a department that was once responsible for the systematic removal of Indigenous communities from their land. On her watch, thousands of acres have been returned to Native oversight, co-stewardship programs have been developed to protect sacred sites, and important species such as bison, bighorn sheep, and salmon have been restored to tribal lands.

“We know that countries that have made commitments to address climate change and biodiversity loss are falling short. The restoration of land to tribal nations would actually help many countries get back on track.”

Warren acknowledges this significant progress, yet he remains unsatisfied with recent state and federal efforts to return land to Native groups.

“Yes, we’re seeing a steady trickle of stories about land coming back into tribal control, but by and large, they are tiny bits of property,” he says. “We’re talking about 1.5 billion acres that have been taken from Indigenous people; we’re not going to get to anything remotely just if we’re doing this at 50, 100, 1,000 acres at a time.” He adds that tribes often have to repurchase these pieces of land and are often constrained by conservation easements, which place restrictions on land use and development.

Tribes have also been invited to co-manage land, which both Warren and Tilsen view as an insufficient end point. “It’s Land Back Lite,” Tilsen says with a laugh. “Co-management is a pathway for us to be able to manage our lands in better ways, but my worry is that it locks us into a longer power dynamic relationship with the federal government. What I’m really interested in is returning public lands and their titles to tribes or Indigenous cooperatives and coalitions.”

Though the Land Back movement is obviously uplifting Indigenous communities, they aren’t the only ones who stand to benefit from more land being in tribal possession. As the climate crisis intensifies, so too does the clamor for real-world solutions. Increasingly, experts are turning to Native knowledge keepers and recognizing the power of traditional ecological knowledge, including practices such as agroforestry, fire stewardship, regenerative agriculture, and holistic wildlife management.

Recent research backs this approach. A 2019 ScienceDirect study showed that Native-managed lands foster as much or more biodiversity than protected areas, which could be key in mitigating the negative impact of extractive agriculture. Additionally, a 2016 World Resources Institute report determined that securing Indigenous forestland tenure in the Amazon basin could yield economic benefits up to $1.5 trillion over a 20-year period through carbon storage, reduced pollution, and erosion control.

“We know that countries that have made commitments to address climate change and biodiversity loss are falling short,” Warren says. “The restoration of land to tribal nations would actually help many countries get back on track. We have more and more researchers who are making this connection between the restoration of land to Indigenous peoples and the protection of our Earth, which ultimately is the protection of all people on this planet.”

Despite this compelling call to action for collective benefit, very real resistance remains due to misconceptions about the movement. “Land Back triggers people’s white fragility; they think we’re coming for the house, the picket fence, the 2.5 kids, and the dog,” Tilsen says. “But we as Indigenous people are not trying to repeat the history that was done to us. There’s also this misconception that white people don’t play a massive role [as] allies, when the reality is that Indigenous peoples’ fight to return our land is bound up with the very future of this country.”

Tilsen has concerns about what a presidential administration change could mean for Native representation and progress, but it’s not just about party lines. “The Nixon, Obama, and Biden administrations have been responsible for more actual Land Back than any other administrations,” says Tilsen. “Does it matter who is in office? Hell yeah, it matters. But our success doesn’t depend on one political party. We need to build power around this year’s historical election and develop solutions and strategies no matter who wins.”

To safeguard present and future progress, Warren implores policymakers at the local, state, and federal levels to take action in creating institutionalized mechanisms for tribal nations to acquire publicly managed and owned land. On the private side, he highlights the need for legitimate funding sources, since Native communities are typically asked to buy back stolen land, and urges individuals to consider donating unused lands to local tribes and including them in their estate planning.

Kavon Ward. (Photo credit: Gabriella Angotti-Jones)

Kavon Ward. (Photo credit: Gabriella Angotti-Jones)

The powerful impact of the Indigenous-led Land Back movement has sparked similar action among other marginalized groups. Reparative justice advocate Kavon Ward is driving the Black Land Back movement. She helped steward the 2021 return of Bruce’s Beach in California, a once-thriving Black community that was improperly seized in 1924 through eminent domain.

Today, Ward leads the advocacy organization Where Is My Land, which helps Black people discover and reclaim U.S. land taken from them. “I’m of the belief that you can’t have equality until there’s equity,” she says. “True remedy is returning what your ancestors stole from my ancestors.”

Much like the dispossession Native peoples have experienced, Black farmers lost about 13.5 million acres from 1920 to 1997, according to a 2022 AEA Papers and Proceedings study. That equates to roughly $326 billion of acreage. (As of the 2017 agricultural census, Black farmers operated 4.7 million acres, up from 1.5 million in 1997.)

In the end, the Land Back movement serves to not only support Native sovereignty but also safeguard our environment and strengthen our food systems.

The ceremony to return the Bruce's Beach land back to its original stewards. (Photo credit: Starr Genyard-Swift)

The ceremony to return the Bruce’s Beach land back to its original stewards. (Photo credit: Starr Genyard-Swift)

“The future of conservation in the United States is Indigenous,” NDN’s Tilsen affirms. “There’s a massive opportunity to fight climate change and increase biodiversity while also achieving justice. Let’s hold a mirror up to America and find a path forward that includes Black reparations, the return of stolen Indigenous lands to Indigenous hands, and the changing of systems that perpetuate violence and oppression. The future we’re fighting for is not just a future for Indigenous people—it’s a future for people everywhere.”

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